Thursday, October 31, 2019

Divorce's affects on children Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Divorce's affects on children - Essay Example Ending a marriage is not a one-time event that occurs in a courthouse, it is a process. As well, the effects that divorce has on the families involved are of the utmost importance, especially in regards to the children. Both the short-term and long-term effects that divorce has on children are incredibly significant, and few would stand to argue that children are not incredibly affected by divorce. Although the greatest focus of divorce's effect on children is most certainly put towards regards to the first weeks and months following the divorce, the reality is that the long-term effects are often times the most critical. In order to come to a clearer and more knowledgeable understanding on this subject matter, the issue of divorce itself must be thoroughly addressed, as well as the key elements in relation to it. The aim of this paper is to discuss the events and phases of divorce, and the effect that divorce has on children. This is what will be dissertated in the following. Divorce is an intensely stressful experience for all children, regardless of their age or developmental level; however, statistics show that is especially hard the younger the children are during the time of the divorce. There are many reasons for this, one of the most primary being that during the younger years of their lives, family is all the children really have to rely on; they do not have friends to help relieve their stress and they have no one to talk to or to express themselves to. "A study in 1980 found that less than 10% of children had support from adults other than relatives during the acute phase of the divorce." (Eleoff, 2003). This leaves them with a feeling of helplessness and loneliness, and issues like this are supremely relevant and must not be neglected or ignored. The pain which is experienced by children at the beginning of a divorce is composed of many things, such as: a sense of vulnerability as the family disintegrates; a grief reaction to the loss of the i ntact family (many children do not realize that their parents' marriage is troubled at all to begin with); loss of the non-custodial parent; a feeling of intense anger at the disruption of the family; and strong feelings of powerlessness - to name a few. It is especially difficult for younger children during the situation of divorce, in that it is harder for them to deal with the sudden onset of life change, and the neglect they often times begin to feel. The developmental considerations in response of the children are significantly more severe in regards to the younger children: preschool children (ages 3 - 5) are likely to exhibit a regression of the most recent developmental milestone achieved. Additionally, sleep disturbances and an exacerbated fear of separation from the custodial parent are common. There is usually a great deal of yearning for the non-custodial parent. During early latency (ages 6 - 8) children often openly grieve for the departed parent. There is a noted preoccupation with fantasies that distinguishes the reactions of this age group. Children have replacement fantasies, or fantasies that their parents will happily reunite in the not-so-distant future. Also, children in this developmental stage have an especial ly difficult time with the concept of the permanence of the divorce. During late latency (ages 8 - 11) children experience severe feelings of anger and

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Project Risk Management Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Project Risk Management - Assignment Example Project description The new intranet communication system is computer based and it helps to link different departments within the company. This has been necessitated by the fact that the company’s operations have been negatively impacted by poor communication systems. Poor coordination between different departments has led to poor products which do not meet the needs of the customers. This project is anticipated to take six months in order for the new system to be fully operational. Project scope and objectives The scope of the project is to revamp the communication system of Furniture World in order to improve its communication system. The broad objective of the project is to improve the effectiveness of communication among employees so that they pull their efforts towards the attainment of the same goals. The other objective is to improve coordination among the employees so that they are aware of their role expectations. This can significantly contribute to improvement of th e products manufactured. Project overview Basically, a project can be described as a series of linked activities that are carried by an organisation and they are aimed at achieving a specific objective (Hellriegel, 2001). In this case, the aim of the project is to computerise the communication system of Furniture world. ... There is also need to develop software that supports the intranet communication system and there is need to train the human resources to use the new system. The budget for this particular project is set at $2 000Â  000 and it is expected to be completed in six months. Probable risks and their impacts According to Yeates & Cadle (1996), risk in project management is inevitable and it has to be taken into consideration when implementing a project in order for it to be a success. This assertion is also supported by Morris (2008) who posits to the effect that some situations are unavoidable due to uncertainties that may be encountered in the environment in which the organisation operates. In this case the following risks are expected to be encountered during the implementation of the project. Budget constraints are likely to be encountered since there may be need to hire more human resources in the implementation of this project. Jones (2007) posits to the effect that financial risks ar e a major threat to the implementation of any given project since it may fail to reach its objectives. The source of this risk is mainly as a result of poor project management. Resistance to change by the employees is another risk that is likely to affect this project. According to Werner (2003), resistance to change is mainly a result of general fear for the unknown or lack of information about the new initiative among the employees. This can derail the project according to (Rossouw et al, 2003). The other risk is related to lack of technical knowledge among the people involved in the implementation of the project. According to Waring & Glendon (1998), lack of knowledge about a particular project is a risk that may affect its

Sunday, October 27, 2019

International Relations: Western Centric Discipline

International Relations: Western Centric Discipline In examining whether IR is a Western centric discipline, this essay will firstly look into the significance of the fact that its central thinkers have resided historically in Western countries. It argues that this has an effect on the issues considered relevant to IR, while it also means that IR theory is grounded in a cultural and intellectual context that aggrandises the West, and Others the Third World. The essay secondly looks at the key ideas of Realism and Liberalism (the dominant traditions in the field) in all their forms, and explains how they derive from Western-centric presumptions. It thirdly examines the inherent Western-centrism of the Westphalian model in traditional IR. The majority of IR scholars have come from core countries. Third World scholars have largely been excluded because research and debate take place in specialist journals and academic associations, in English and in a particular language of IR. Financial scarcity in Southern academic institutions also affects Third World scholars ability to participate (Tickner, 2003, pp. 296-301, 311, 324). This has an effect on the discipline overall as scholars are inevitably influenced by their surroundings, both in terms of their distinct academic settings making them subject to particular frameworks and terminologies and their concrete working conditions. A scholar who every day witnesses phenomena such as poverty or war will undoubtedly reflect differently upon reality and prioritise different issues in their research agendas than a scholar in the core. The latters material benefits as well as autonomy accorded by tenure can serve to separate them from the worlds critical problems, enabling th em in conjunction with other academics to artificially construct boundaries to the field through self-referential interaction, and to ignore analytical categories and perspectives that do not sit with their worldviews. This can account for the marginalisation of the Third World in the study in IR (Tickner, 2003, pp. 300-311). Additionally, these Western IR scholars are writing against a cultural backdrop that is Western-centric. It is often implicitly assumed that world politics happens exclusively in the Northern hemisphere and the history regarded as important and relevant in popular discourse reflects this. For example the Holocaust takes a central position in Western historiography while colonial genocides, a routine feature of European expansion, are largely overlooked (Barkawi, 2006, pp. 334-343; Tickner, 2003, p. 307). This is interlinked with the popular and intellectual conception of the (particularly Anglo-American) West as a force for good in the world. WWII for instance is often portrayed as a battle of freedom against tyranny, in which the former supposedly came out victorious. This ignores that the principle of self-determination outlined in the Atlantic Charter was only intended by Western leaders to apply to Europeans; the Allies were fighting the war in the far East largely for control o ver China, and the British only granted India independence because of their realisation that it could no longer be held militarily (Barkawi, 2006, pp. 339-343). There are many examples of such double standards, which are symptomatic of the degrading view of the Orient (I use it here to mean the wider Third World) commonly held in the West (Said, 2003, pp. 1-12). This view was implicit within the writings of early progressive and cosmopolitan thinkers, upon which much modern thinking is based. Kant, despite one of the three major revolutions of his time being the Haitian struggle against slavery, omitted the aspiration of slaves for freedom from three major treatises on love for humanity, while Locke went as far as to justify the colonial seizing of land from Indians. The moral frameworks set out by such thinkers have sinister implications for the social institutions they inspired. If, for instance, Kants theories of international order were not really designed to foster peaceful coe xistence, then Liberal institutionalism becomes highly suspect. Axiomatic categories of international ethics and society are therefore to an extent rooted in concepts pertaining to imperialist and colonial perspectives (Grovogui, 2007, pp. 234-235; Locke, 1764, no page given). As a result the Orient has been defined in Western discourse by what it supposedly lacks rationality, development, and civilisation in contrast with the West. The construction of this dichotomy between the West and Others serves to falsely homogenise different regions, cultures, and histories analytically, thereby masking the complex nature of international reality and preventing nuanced analyses of phenomena in the Third World. This arrogant and narrow view can be seen for example in mainstream Western explanations for violence in periphery states, which is said to derive from a lack of modern Western institutions (Barkawi, 2006, pp. 336-347; Tickner, 2003, pp. 311-315). These public attitudes have indubita bly filtered into academia, and so claims to neutrality and objectivity among Western scholars are inevitably false, serving only to mask intellectual presumptuousness and sympathies with the powerful, imperialist core (Agathangelou and Ling, 2004, p. 36; Barkawi, 2006, p. 344; Grovogui, 2007, pp. 232-237). Western-centrism can clearly be identified in the Liberal and Realist traditions of IR. Liberalism is informed by ethical principles, giving it a normative agenda based on fostering peace and cooperation for mutual gain through international institutions. Yet these ethical principles are a product of Western intellectual histories, while the institutions at the core of their analyses, such as the UN, were founded, and are dominated, by Western powers (Barkawi, 2006, p. 331; Jervis, 1999, pp. 43-63; Powell, 1994, pp. 335-344). It can thus be said that Liberalism serves to rationalise Western hegemony by institutionalising and universalising Western laws, rules and ideas (Agathangelou, 2004, p. 31; Grovogui, 2007, pp. 235-236). Further than this however, these institutions can validly be accused of working in the interests of the West at the expense of the rest of the world. The League of Nations and limited government for instance were two institutions that served to uphold the inters tate commercial system. Liberals claim that this leads to corporate growth, which in turn generates prosperity. However, this ignores the pertinent criticism that it in fact may lead to prosperity solely for Western countries, thereby rendering the Third World economically dependent on an increasingly hegemonic Western order (Agathangelou, 2004, pp. 24-25; Tickner, 2003, p. 306). Realism on the other hand is Western-centric by open admission. It regards Great powers as the most important objects of study because it claims that in an anarchical international system only they can account for change; and in modern times they have been concentrated in the West. The actions of the weak are regarded as marginal or derivative of those of the powerful (Agathangelou, 2004, p. 27; Barkawi, 2006, pp. 329-334; Tickner, 2003, pp. 300-301). Such an outlook however comes from an implicit prioritising of the security needs of the strong. Suggesting that only the Great powers have real agency means the weak, which make up the majority of the worlds population, are left out of the analysis altogether, and therefore their experiences and problems are disregarded. Furthermore, the strong do what they will while the weak do what they must attitude rationalises and justifies Western attempts to dominate other countries, while also ignoring the fact that modern Southern movements do have the ability to fundamentally change world politics as is shown by Al-Qaeda and 9/11 (Agathangelou, 2004, p. 24; Barkawi, 2006, pp. 329-334, 352; Grovogui, 2007, p. 244; Tickner, 2003, p. 300). Traditional IR is intrinsically Western-centric. Its scope is everything that goes on between sovereign states which are regarded as the primary actors to be analysed as opposed to within states. States being the basic units of analysis means that the international arena is regarded as anarchic; containing no supreme body above the state level. This idea is known as the Westphalian model (Barkawi, 2002, pp. 111-112; Tickner, 2003, pp. 299, 309). Yet the condition of international anarchy posited is one that only applies in some contexts. Weaker countries are in practice subordinate to more powerful Western countries; making the international system effectively hierarchical. It can only be seen as otherwise from the eyes of those competing for control of it (Tickner, 2003, p. 309). This Westphalian model relies also on an idea of sovereign statehood which is applicable only to particular times and places mainly the West (Barkawi, 2002, p. 110). In Africa for instance state borders are mostly artificial boundaries drawn up by the old colonial powers, with each national territory containing a variety of social, linguistic, ethnic and religious groups. Accepting the state as the foundation for analysis is the same as acknowledging the legitimacy of colonial territoriality and the institutional expression of colonialism. It also ignores the fact that many states in Africa have been usurped of many of their functions by other bodies, such as armed militias, organic nationalist movements, and international businesses, making them not the central political actors in the region (Grovogui, 2007, p. 236; Tickner, 2003, pp. 315-316). Traditional IR ignores the relevance of community for study, as well as the relations between local political and cultural groups, and therefore the constitution of states. It cannot comprehend, and therefore dismisses, the complex societal interactions that take place in the Third World (Barkawi, 2002, pp. 111-112; Tickner, 2003, pp. 309-3 10, 323). IR scholarship in recent years has attempted to overcome Western-centrism. Dependency theories for instance strove to break Third World economic and intellectual dependence on the core. Later Postpositivist theories acknowledged the artificiality of the disciplines borders and the narrowness of its discourses. However these theories have shown limited success in this regard because they are all based on Western intellectual traditions and analytical frameworks (Agathangelou, 2004, p. 28; Tickner, 2003, pp. 306, 324). It is apparent that IR is a Western-centric discipline. The fact that the vast majority of its scholars hail from the West has an inevitable distorting effect on academic study, in terms of: the issues considered important, the actors given attention, and the categories of Self and Others. These distortions all ultimately derive from Western intellectual tradition and popular and political discourse, which form the basis of the writers understandings and worldviews. There have been attempts in recent years to overcome these problems, but so long as the field of IR continues to be dominated by Westerners and excludes those born and raised in the Third World, it will remain Western-centric. Government Accountability: Child Labour Government Accountability: Child Labour INTRODUCTION: In this topic I have focussed on the Child labour problem in worst form in India, in India though Child Rights recognised and even many legislations passed to deal with the children rights but the children rights are continuously in one or other form violated. The topic try to expose abuse of children rights of those children who are working in hazardous work places like mines, firework industries and other informal (registered or unregistered small mines and quarries) and other sectors. In this topic I tried focus on the worst situation that children facing in the above sectors that the magnitude of the problem and conditions of the children are disclosed. The topic further discussed the role of the Government and Non Governmental Organisations eradicating this social disorder. India continuously facing the child labour problem, in India child labour is a socio, economic and political problem. As a developing nation India facing this problem and it is hampering the growth of the nation in many ways. Indias one of the main goals is to put end to child labour. There is a huge exploitation in the marginalised groups in other terms poor among poor is more or less vulnerable sections. And if we talk about child they are more vulnerable, childhood of these exploited sections are wiped, these tender buds are muscled to take burden of unwanted. Childs are many ways are exploiting like child trafficking, child prostitution, and child labour and child slavery. India is the example for the child labour curse. Since independence, India has dedicated itself to be against child labour. Article 24 of the Indian constitution clearly states, No child below the age of fourteen years shall be employed to work in any factory or mine or employed in any hazardous employment  [ 1]  . Article 39(e) directs State policy such that the health and strength of the workers and the tender age of children are not forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to their age or strength  [2]  . These two Articles illustrates that India has constantly had goals of taking concern of its children and ensuring the protection of workers. In regard to child labour the Indian government enacted the Child Labour Act in 1986. The purpose of this act is to prohibit the employment of children who have not completed their 14th year in specified hazardous occupations and processes  [3]  . Children life is miserable under fourteen who has to earn for their families and they have to work with great pain for little amount. Poverty and illiteracy are main causes in these segregated sections causing exploitation. Families who are below poverty line do not have think about the any other issue of the society rather to how the day will go on every day. The governments have taken measures but they are lacking in implementation, there is a huge resentment in the civil society the application levels are very low in developing countries and they always try to escape in one or other ways give their accountability to international Agencies. India as signatory of international covenants trying to strengthen to its local and national laws to eradicate the problem. India is signatory to ILO forced labour convention, ILO abolition of forced labour convention and UN convention of the right of the child. As per the International labour organisation report 12.6 million  [4]  children are working in different sectors in India as per the census data on the child labour. NGOs and other social activist working remarkably to bring awareness in the society. Many activities holding awareness programmes in the society trying pull out the society from the plague of child labour. Judiciary also taking very stringent stand over the child labour issues. International covenant on convention on rights of the child recognises that children should be having special care and assistance to grow. Not only is that committee on the rights of the child the body of experts who monitors the implementation of convention by the state parties. The child must be spruced well in the decisive years of his life. He must receive education, acquire knowledge of man and materials and blossom in such an atmosphere that on reaching age, he is found to be a man with a mission, a man who matters so for as the society is concerned. The child rights violated in the form of child slavery or bonded labour, child trafficking, child prostitution and pornography, child soldiers, domestic child servants, hazardous child labour. As the topic mainly dealing with child labour, the children are exploiting as labour in mainly following categories field of work cultivation; agricultural labour; livestock, forestry, fishing, plantation; mining and quarrying; manufacturing, processing, servicing and repairs; construction; trade and commerce; transport, storage, and communication; and other services. Not only the above categories children used as labour, children are used to manufacturing explosives like making matches, crackers, gem polishing, paper bag making, manufacturing sport goods, handicrafts, carpet weaving, gas stations, silk cultivation, glass and brass manufacturing, leather tanning etc, these are the examples of worst form of child labouring these all are some examples that we can understand that in many forms chi ld can be abused and his rights are violated in everyday life. The topic mainly enlightening on child labour who works in mining and quarrying and Agriculture sectors in hazardous and other informal industries. Historical background of child labour laws in India: Before discussing further lets summarise the child labour laws and change in the course of developing nation. Any child under the age specified by law worldwide works full time, mentally or physically to earn for own survival or adding to family income, that interrupts childs social development and education is called child labour. After set up of the International Labour Organisation, in 1919 under the League of Nations there is clear consciousness to set up international guidelines by which the employment of children under a certain age could be regulated in industrial undertakings. And suggested a minimum age of 12 be to work. British India adopted the same Sir Thomas Holland had introduced in the legislative assembly. Though there were many furores by the members, it is the starting of the recognition of child care at work. We can say that the International Labour Organisation is playing a vital role in eradicating the child labour from industrial exploitation. A Royal Commission on Labour came to be established in 1929 to inquire into various matters relating to labour in this country. The report came to be finalised in 1931. It brought to light many inequities and shocking conditions under which children worked. The Commission had examined to conditions of child labour in different industries and had found that children had been obliged to work any number of hours per day as required by their masters. It was also found that they were subject to corporal punishment. The Commission had felt great concern at the placing of children by parents to employers in return for small sums of money; and as this system was found to be indefensible it recommended that any bond placing a child should be regarded as void. The recommendations of the Commission came to be discussed in the Legislative Assembly and the Children (Pleading of Labour) Act, 1933 came to be passed, which may be said to be the first statutory enactment dealing with child labour. Many statutes came to be passed thereafter. As on today, the following legislative enactments are in force prohibiting through various provisions of employment of child labours in different occupations. Factories Act, 1948 prohibit that no child under the age 14 allowed to work in factories. Plantation of Labour Act, 1951 prohibits children under the age 12 in the field of plantation. Merchant shipping Act, 1951 disallows who under age fifteen to carried or engaged to sea to work in any ship though there are some exemptions for who carrying family business and home trade with some restrictions. Mines Act, 1952 in this act prohibits any child to take part in any mining operations; there is total ban on child to take work in the mines in below the grounds or in open cast work. Motor Transport workers Act, 1961 bars no child be allowed to take any work in motor transport undertakings. Apprentice Act, 1961 prescribes the qualification to become apprentice that person shall not qualify unless he crosses the age fourteen. Beedi and Cigar Workers (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1966 prohibits of employment in the concerned industries. Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986. (A ct 61 of 1986). These regulations clearly show that legislatives have firmly considered necessary prohibition on Child labour. Though strong legislations in India there are many loopholes and ineffective administration authorities who splitting the wound continuously. Children rights are open to abuse in social, economic and political background of the society. Worst form of child labour some Illustrations: In many industries have been in the process of exploitation like match and firework industries, glass and bangle industries, stone quarrying industries etc., There are no registration industries who dealing with these kind of work in such places high hazardous situations where children were to take work quarries cutting stones brushing them loading and unloading not even shelters to take rest in all the seasons they have to work for more than 6 to 8 hours daily for meagre amount. Many diseases they have to face like bronchitis, lung and respiratory problems. The children are, as bonded labours have to work for little money or for sake of their family earnings. Child labour mostly exploited by informal industries like small mining and quarrying industries, here the large range of work activities and practices take place, like excavating, cutting, panning, processing, breaking, blending, carrying, transporting and marketing. Here one illustration is important to give that how the child workers are working and how they are in miserable conditions. That is in Sivakasi, Tamilnadu state, India it is known as home of Match and firework industries. The region is mostly located with these industries. There are around more than 450 match and firework manufacturers are located. But the exact number of child workers in this industry is difficult to work, but as per the official report Office of the Registrar General, District Profile 1991- Tamil Nadu (1991) more than thirty thousand child between ages six to fourteen in these manufacturing units  [5]  . But some other sources and social activists opine the number is much more than the statistics r eport. Children had had to work in dangerous and hazardous units many Non Governmental Organisations, media, and labour unions continuously drawing attention of the same to government and Merchant association. But their efforts put in to vain in many ways due to negligible administrative authorities, under the power politics of Merchants association. Due to fire accidents in these industries damage is very horrible; in reported news in one accident 23 children were born alive. There are many shivering and terrified incidents took place in these mining industries. Human right activist and Advocate Sri M.C. Mehta filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court of India vide W.P.465/1986  [6]  the Supreme court said that this is the example of worst offender who violating the prohibition of employing child in hazardous industries. Court constituted a committee for analyse and recommendations after considering the recommendations of the committee court directed that employment of childre n in match and firework factories is shall not be permitted. Children who are working in hazardous employment is violated the spirit of the constitution. The Supreme Court directed that the children employed in the match factories for packing purposes must work in separate premises for packing. Employers should not be permitted to take work from the children for more than six hours a day. The employers and State Govt. should provide proper transport facilities for travelling of the children from their homes to their work places and back. Facilities for recreation, socialisation and education should be provided either in the factory or close to the factory. Employers should make arrangements for providing basic diets for the children and in case they fail to do so, the Government may be directed to provide for basic diet one meal a day programme of the State of Tamilnadu for school children may be extended to the child worker. A National Commission for childrens welfare should be se t up to prepare a scheme for child labour abolition in a phased manner. Such a Commission should be to this Honble Court directly and should report to this Honble Court at periodical intervals about the progress. The court decision quite surprising one many other issues that not dealt in this case when there is clear prohibition court try to segregate work in to two different sectors like packaging and processing and working child allowed to packaging section difficult to understand the court view. The most difficult side of these decisions is that they did not afford relief for children employed outside of the enumerated hazardous industries But it show that how the miserable situations the child worker face reflects. The root cause is very simple but very strong one extreme poor condition of the families of those children, more than 75 percentage families eking their livelihood in those groups of society. These people exposed to extreme hazardous conditions no adequate measurements will take place even the prescribed laws are there. Violations are common, health conditions of the children are neglected every minute and day. Though there are many issues have to deal this is the first step towards protection of the child labour rights. This is only one situation where brought in to light where in many other industries like mines, quarrying, glass and bangle etc like many informal industries means non registered industries, are exploiting the childhood of the nation which is intolerable. In quarrying industries child labour situation is unjustifiable and inhuman small children between age 6 to 14 who are working where there is no monitoring and census record shows of their exploitation but it is true that they are openly curbing the child rights every day. Child labour in the quarrying industries works for more than 10 hours a day they are used to cut the stones in different sizes, load and unload the stones. Children are illegally forced to mining works, the mining contractors engage them in digging, breaking stones, filtering, load and unload, dumping, transporting, and processing activities. In iron ore mining child labour used to make a basin of iron ore child has to hammer and fill one basin of ore hardly he earns three pence in a day a child makes 5 to t basin of iron ore earning below 50 pence a day. Every iron basin the child filled up tells the story the magnitude of the problem that they are facing. In these industries very less or no safety equipments and no prescribed pay system even. In the working areas are always open to susceptible to accidents, injuries, and chronic mining leads to severe health problems. Children who engaged in granite industries faces the similar problem they used for collecting kerosene from mine tailing and in the washer pits from their bare hands handling toxic waste. In other hand the contractors, mine owners, traders and all other merchandisers escaping from the accountability easily though they are blatantly violating the child labour laws. The shift to privatisation and open market economy after Indias new economic policies has led to pushing women and children into the informal labour force, especially in sectors like mining where deregulation of laws for attracting foreign direct investment and private investments have led to mechanisation and retrenchment of workers and have diluted the legal protections towards labourers and marginalized sections. This calls for urgent investigation of all the mine s in the country. Hospet-Bellary mining industry in Karnataka is the example of such conditions 3 big mines ranging over 83 hectors, and 6 big mines in bellary regions and 37 other mines spread over the region. These mines excavate iron ore, manganese, gold, quartz, granite and decorative stones. Fact finding team who reported about the child labour violations is shocking shameful to the nation. In these mines Activity takes place with drawing out the ore, breaking the raw ore rocks into small stones and shingles and into fine powder. The mining area has vast extraction site stretching in acres. These areas consist of extraction sites, stone crushing units, stockyards, dump yards, weighing and permit yards, motor vehicle yards, and wagon laoding points across the railway line. These mines in Bellary district are on the hills stretching almost 180 km. The labour that works are migrant workers and mostly form Scheduled cast (Dalits) and tribes these poor labour were engaged by middle persons to work in the mines. In these mines to work the whole family of the poor labour migrates and whole family except old live at work place and work in the mines. In the work area again child labour divided girl labour work with women in breaking the ore into stones. When a heap of lumps is gathered girl children take them to process sieving the lump into iron ore powder. If a boy labour then he goes with men digging and loading and unloading work. And the wages depends on the child labour capability. In these mining areas labour are mostly woman and children more than half of the labour these sections only works. This situation is not only the iron ore mines, in the District Bellary and Hose pet and its surrounding areas children are engaged in granite mines. In these mines kerosene is used to cut the granite and children are used to constrict and strain kerosene tanks and children have to spend hours together dipped their waist in the kerosene tanks. How bizarre to hear and h azardous but this is the daily routine life for them who working in the granite mines in Hosepet, Bellary, Karnataka. From the surround villages of these mines children brought to work, some go to school and some dont, some children who are the sole earners for their families who used to work in the mines. Children are usually got in to expose to accidents and health problems apart from that the children are at high risk to trafficking and sexual harassment. Usually the mines are open cast form and children labour have to work open without any shelter whatever the weather may be, they do not use any safety equipments, even no drinking water facilities available all the labour have to walk a stretch of 2 to 5 kms. No toilets are provided woman and young children has to do their natural calls openly in humiliation conditions. Conditions in the mines are so pathetic, even after the work to wash or bath there is no water facility, and more over labour have to eat with their dirty hands, though the open site dust falls in their vessels. The mine sites are with full of mosquitoes and insects where the children and woman stay and live. Due contaminated and polluted atmosphere children and people who working in the mines usually get sick, while due to meagre amount of wages labour reluctant to go for medication, due to this mining labour developing chronic illness like tuberculosis, siliceous, cancer, respiratory problems and other disorders they are effecting from. These labour work as casual labours and as a curse they cannot use public health services, and they have to go private doctors treatment, and there wages go for medicines and only for temporary relief. These are the merciful conditions of the child labour in the mines industries, traders, owners of these mines very rarely respond on any severe issues raised on. Children rights are apparently abusing by these industries with no accountability and irresponsible authorities helpless with inadequate infrastruc ture. Many social activists and NGOs like HAQ  [7]  (means right in Urdu) ( centre for child rights), Bachpan Bachao Andolan (Save the child movement)  [8]  organisations, M.V. Foundation a voluntary organisation, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, reacted and have taken some initiations to bring out the truth of the child labour conditions in these mines, and submitted report to Karnataka government, acting upon the report Government of Karnataka appointed high level of committee for recommendations. My main concern about the child labour and abuse of their rights, though there are many Acts and regulations land Apex court directions regarding the Child labour, like Mines Act, 1952 prohibits totally children to take any form of work who are below fourteen years. Who are to be blamed for the cycle of exploitation of women and child labour the society, the government, implementation body, parents, judiciary, traders, media we have to move forward in the civilisation society, we have to take collective responsibility, and try to correct every part of the section of society and with the cooperation with each of the institution we have to up lift the children rights. Its now nations duty to eradicate child labour abuses in all forms the above are only the worst form of abuse the child labour rights. In many other organised and unorganised, formal and informal, registered and unregistered industries these rights of children are violated every day. Agriculture sector is where child rights abused extensively, Agriculture is the main source in Indian economy, and in this field child labour is in the form of boned labour. Bonded labour in the farm sector arise when people who do not have any source of land to cultivate or those tenant farmers or small farmers takes loan from the landlords or other sources in return they offer their labour else their children as bonded labour until paid off. Who are considered to be in training to become adult bonded labourers, graze cattle and assist bonded adults. This system is widespread throughout the central India and south India. Bonded children are sometimes subjected to physical punishment and suffer from a high incidence of severe malnutrition, vitamin deficiency, anaemia, tuberculosis, and skin and parasitic diseases. They have no time for either leisure or education over 90 percent of bonded labourers in India, many of whom became bonded as children, have never had the opportunity to g o to school. Children working in Zari (embroidery work on dresses) Industries in Delhi, Delhi as National capital it are destination and transit point for the traffickers. Children from the different places from other States trafficked here for exploitation, they are converted as sex workers or labour in domestic works and zari industries. Fashion and export make Delhi an important business hub. Due to demand of the work contractors engage children as cheap labour to get more marginal benefit. Traffickers lure poor families promising for good earning to send children. Nearby villages people send their children for work attracting by agents. Children are forced to work long hours as up to 20 hours a stretch despite the consequences of their age and ability and of course with total ignoring of their physical and mental requirements. If they refuse to work they were beaten up badly. While working in the embroidery children every so often cut their fingers very badly. They have to work in confined ro oms, and at last children paid only 30 rupees a week (around 40 pence). And some children are trafficked to brick kilns where they have to work with adults making bricks. The families who effected with trafficking are mostly Muslim minorities. Social activists and child right defenders many times rescued these children but many times these children are re-trafficked. Developing countries always struggle with inadequate economic growth; child labour is one of the results due to inadequate economic growth. In one sense economic development, poverty and child labour are interlinked with each other. As a developing country child labour problem haunting India but this problem is not much is to eradicate in concern with economic growth policies. India must do more to combat child labour, primarily if the causes of child labour include caste discrimination, little or no educational opportunities for Young people and misconceptions about childrens work. Children working in the hidden sectors, particularly those in domestic work and prostitution, have become vulnerable to sexual abuse. This makes them more susceptible to unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS  [9]  . Active participation Cooperation of NGOs like Bachpan Bachao Andolan (save the child), Haq centre for the right of the child, international programme of elimination of child labour(IPEC), Global march against child labour, UNICEF India, M.V. Foundation, social activists, human right activists are remarkably working towards eradication of child labour problem. Many organisations working on child rights, they are focussed mainly in the tribal and urban informal child labours, and marginalised labour. Educating not only children their families, mobilising them to understand and bring awareness on their rights, exploitation. Social organisations try to bring fact findings of like situations in light and where enforcement authorities fail to do so, even after many fact finding reports submitted to concern administrative authorities if fail to take actions, bringing the inaction of those authorities filing public interest litigation in Supreme Court of India. Government role: India as large democratic country and as member of United Nation Committed to eradicate all social evils which violates Human Rights. And as party to International covenants and one of the main member of International Labour Organisation, as developing country India has many millennium Goals. Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) is an international monitoring body monitors implementation of the convention on the rights of the child by state parties. Under this convention every state party has to submit their periodical report to the committee. 53rd session of the committee of right of the child will be help in Geneva January 2010. India as a developing nation and high birth rates and population child labour problem is identified as Socio, Economic and political problem and it is linked with poverty and illiteracy inextricably. Gurupadaswamy Committee  [10]  is the first committee on child labour problem constituted in way back 1974, the committee have suggested many recomme ndations to the government. The committee rightly opined that as long as the poverty and illiteracy continues in the society it is very hard to eradicate the child labour problem. On base of the recommendations of the committee The child labour (prohibition and regulation) Act, 1986 was enacted. The Act prohibits employment of children in certain specified hazardous occupations and processes and regulates the working conditions in others. To deal with the child labour problem Government of India has taken National Child Labour Projects  [11]  these projects are the main rehabilitation schemes for the child labour. The main concept of the project is to open at district level rehabilitation centres and schools through National project societies for the child labour. In these centres make available to children with vocational training, providing supplementary nutrition and non formal education, providing health care through trained doctors. Children are withdrawn from work and main streamed to schools. With the help of international programme of elimination of child labour programme an organisation of international labour organisation the main objectives of the programme to mobilising the society and bringing the awareness in the society in the process of elimination of child labour. The Ministry of Labour, Government of India and US, Deptt. Of Labour have developed a project under ILO-IPEC for Prevention Elimination of Child Labour in identified Hazardous Sectors  [12]  . The main objectives of these projects is to identify the children who are working in hazardous employment, it also insists a detailed survey to be conducted to identify these children. The second aim is those identified children from the age group 8-14 working in hazardous employment withdrawing them from the such employment and providing them rehabilitation facilities and education. These projects not only encourage children to withdraw from employment, these projects recognise the fam ily of the dependent children and assure to provide viable income sources. These projects also insist social education and awareness programmes. In the tribal areas Government of India started Girijana Vikas Kendras and Vidya Vikas Kendras these institutions educate and mobilise them to eradicate child labour. The right of children to Free and compulsory education Act, 2009, is enacted by the parliament of India amending the constitution of India, inserting Article 21-A, providing free and compulsory education for the children off age group 6 to 14 as Fundamental Right. Not only that it provides specific reservation in private schools 25% seats for poor families, without any hassle. Conclusions: Thus child labour is still a burning problem in India and we must be ready and, more importantly, willing to combat this evil which is spreading its wings larger day by day. However, the government is trying but without the concern of the people, this problem cannot be eradicated. The recently conducted surveys are decisive that laws enforcements leaves lot to be desired. On the other hand if a child or his/her parents are unaware of the rights they are privileged with, it makes the task harder. If the family is poor and illiteracy resides in the houses, it becomes a very difficult matter, if not impossible, to eradicate this problem solely by the government itself. Therefore, if the society and the government work together hand in hand, it would be an able effort to regulate and eradicate this problem from our country and make it a better country of our dream. The Latin Maxim boni judicis est ampliare juridictionem(meaning law must keep pace with the society to retain its relevance, for if the society moves but law remains static, it shall be had for both. ) must be followed practically. Children are our assets. The common people should consider this quote and the

Friday, October 25, 2019

Immigration Essay -- essays research papers fc

With the many different groups of people coming to this country in search of a better life, we should cut back on who we should allow to have citizenship. There are thousands of immigrants coming to the U.S. every day. A lot of these immigrants are illegal aliens coming to the U.S. to find jobs. Whenever we catch illegals crossing our borders, we should send them right back and that would be the end of the story. Instead we are bringing them to camps to wait until the government finds out what to do with them. With so many immigrants coming over everyday, the U.S. lets people out of these camps and into our society so we can fit the new people who are coming over here in the camps. It is estimated that 4 million illegal aliens are living in the U.S. right now. That means that the government has no idea who these people are or where they are. "Nobody knows who these people are," said a Brownsville, Texas trailer-court owner Bob White. "They could be terrorist, or bandits, or typhoid carriers.† This is why the U.S. government needs to spend more money and stop immigrants at the border. If the United States didn't let any of these people in this country, we would still have people without jobs. So its not like we need these people in our country. In Mexico 60 percent of its labor force is unemployed. So a lot of these people think that there are jobs for them in the U.S., but there aren't. In the first 4 months of 1988 400,000 illegal aliens were caught trying to cross the border. That may sound like a lot, but 300,000 slipped through without being caught. That means that over 40 percent of the people that tried to get into this country illegally, succeeded. If we get more agents on guard by our borders we could cut that number to a tolerable level. Some immigrants that come to this country legally that have a good education and can work well are not a problem. The problem is that there aren't very many of these kinds of people that are trying to get into this country. Many immigrants are poor and just want jobs to keep themselves alive or to support their family. It is hard for illegal immigrants who can't prove that they are legal workers to find jobs. Some employers know from the start that the person they hired is illegal and just hire them because they will work for minimum wage or even less. Trying to get voluntary compliance not hire... ...9FC7B05&ajparam_logpickord=2&ajparam_list1=0&x=22&y=8) â€Å"Immigration and Naturalization.† Immigration and Naturalization Service. (http://www.ask.com/main/metaAnswer.asp?MetaEngine=Infoseek&logQID=6291454C1F8BD311A2D900A0C9FC7B05&qCategory=EDU_&qSource=0&frames=yes&site_name=Jeeves&scope=web&r=x&MetaTopic=U.S.+Immigration+and+Naturalization+Service&MetaURL=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ins.usdoj.gov%2F&EngineOrdinal=2&ItemOrdinal=1&ask=immigration+metasearch&origin=0&MetaList=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ins.usdoj.gov%2F&x=19&y=10) â€Å"American Immigration Center.† American Immigration Center USA Immigration. (http://www.ask.com/main/metaAnswer.asp?MetaEngine=WebCrawler&logQID=6291454C1F8BD311A2D900A0C9FC7B05&qCategory=EDU_&qSource=0&frames=yes&site_name=Jeeves&scope=web&r=x&MetaTopic=IMMIGRATION%3A+American+Immigration+Center+-+USA+IMMIGRATION+I&MetaURL=http%3A%2F%2Fus-immigration.com%2F&EngineOrdinal=3&ItemOrdinal=6&ask=immigration+metasearch&origin=0&MetaList=http%3A%2F%2Fus-immigration.com%2F&x=24&y=4)

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Historical context of 1984 †George Orwell Essay

George Orwells 1984 is one of the most important pieces of political fiction; it is a timeless political satire that demands to be read to be truly appreciated. Published in 1948, and set 36 years into the future, 1984 eerily depicts where the world is going, where the truth is shunted and lies are promoted by all mainstream media. Perhaps one of the most powerful science fiction novels of the twentieth century, this apocalyptic satire shows with grim conviction how the protagonist Winston Smiths individual personality is wiped and how he is recreated in the Partys image until he does not just obey but loves Big Brother. Some critics have related Winston Smiths suffering to those Orwell underwent before the writing of 1984. Orwell maintained the idea that the novel was written with the intention to alter other peoples ideas about the society they should strive after. But perhaps, to truly understand the concepts explored and the purpose it was written, we should first consider the historical context of the novel, the period leading up to the writing of 1984 in order to answer just what kind of book he was writing. One of the things that make 1984 such an important work of political fiction is the fact that it was written in a period of unprecedented political instability. It was the end of the worlds great imperial powers and the rise of a new age of politics. Democracy, fascism and communism were vying for dominance and the outcome of their struggle could not be predicted. Most people at the time were content to read 1984 as a straightforward allegory of the about the melancholy fate of the Russian revolution. From the minute Big Brothers moustache appears in the second page of the book, people were immediately reminded of Stalin just as how the despised part heretic Emmanuel Goldstein is like Trotsky. This however did not prevent the novel being marketed in the US as an anticommunist tract. Written in 1948, 1984 arrived in the Mccarthy period where communism was seen as a worldwide menace. The Korean War (1950-53) would soon follow and highlighted the alleged communist practice of ideological enforcement through brainwashing. That something very much like brainwashing happens in  1984, in lengthy and terrifying detail, to its hero, Winston Smith, did not surprise those readers determined to take the novel as a simple condemnation of Stalinist atrocity. This however was not Orwells intention. Though 1984 gave comfort to generations of anti communist ideologues, its main purpose was to condemn the ill effects of totalitarianism. But to understand what fueled his hatred of totalitarian regimes we must first consider the life George Orwell led and the world at that time. George Orwell was born Eric Arthur Blair, in India 1903 into a middle class family. The name George Orwell was a pseudonym that he wrote his novels under. He was the son of a British civil servant and was brought to England as a toddler. The boy became aware of the clear class distinctions while attending St Cyprians preparatory school in Sussex where he received a fine education but felt out of place. He was often humiliated and looked down on as he was not from a wealthy family like the others. This experience made him sensitive to the cruelty of social arrogance. As a partial scholarship student whose parents could not afford to pay for his scholarship, Orwell was often reminded of his lowly economic status by the school administrators. Conditions improved at Eton where he studied next with Aldous Huxley as his French tutor. Later, Orwell wrote of being relatively happy at Eton as the school allowed students much independence. But instead of continuing his university classes, in 1922 Orwell joined the Indian imperial police. Stationed in Burma, his class consciousness intensified as he served as one of the hated policemen enforcing British control of the native population. He was troubled by the caste and racial barriers that had prevented him from getting to know a wider cross-section of the people there. Disgusted at his role as an imperialist; he returned to England in 1927 and resigned his position. Orwell planned to become a writer, a profession which he had originally not shown much interest in. Perhaps, to erase the guilt from his colonial experiences, he chose to live among the poor of London, and later in Paris.  His own life provide the material for his first book published in 1933 Down and out in Paris and London which was based on his time living in those two cities with social criticism. The pseudonym George Orwell was used so his parents would not be shocked by the horrific living conditions described in the book. Subsequent novels contained autobiographical references and served as vehicles for Orwell to explore his growing political convictions. In 1936, Orwell traveled to Barcelona to write about the Spanish civil war but ended up joining the battle, fighting against Spanish Leader Francisco Franco and his Nazi supported fascists on the side of the Republicans, supporting the socialist left. There he had quickly learned the difference between real and phony antifascism. Orwell said: ‘This fascism †¦ somebody’s got to stop it’. To Orwell, liberty and democracy went together, guaranteeing, among other things, the freedom of the artist; the present capitalist civilization was corrupt, but fascism would be morally calamitous. It was the Spanish Civil War that played the most important part in defining his socialism. Having witnessed the success of the anarcho-syndicalist communities, and the following brutal suppression of the revolutionaries by the Soviet-backed Communists, Orwell returned from Catalonia a staunch anti-Stalinist and joined the Independent Labour Party. The Spanish war and other events in 1936-7, he wrote 10 years later, turned the scale and thereafter I knew where I stood. Every line of serious work that I have written since 1936 has been written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic socialism, as I know it. His experiences in the Spanish civil war especially arrow escape during a Communist purge in Barcelona made him a lifelong anti-stalinist and a strong believer in democratic socialism, socialism with free elections. In the novel, Winston Smiths job at the ministry of truth consists of falsifying historical records in such a way to make the Party appear incapable of mistakes. This kind of systematic eradication was also present most notably in the Stalinist era in the 1930s. After Joseph Stalin rose to power, the names of the once honored leaders of the Russian revolution men like Leon Trotsky, Nikolai Bukharin, and Lev Kamenev were deleted from the  history books, their faces destroyed even on historical photographs. Articles written in encyclopedias were removed and new pages were written to replace those the subscribers had to cut out. But the Soviets were not the only one who engaged in such practices. The British government also undertook its own propaganda as well, in which Orwell was an unintentional participant. From 1939-41, Stalin was portrayed as villain who had sacrificed Poland by signing a non aggression pact with Germanys Adolf Hitler. But on the day Hitler invaded the Soviet Union, Stalin was instantly remade into a friend of Britain. In the British Broadcasting corporation (BBC) which stressed the fortitude of the Russian people and the bravery of the red army. Orwell had worked for the BBC at the time Stalin was made a celebrity. Orwells satirical novel Animal Farm which condemned was rejected by publishers. It was only after World War II, when Stalin was no longer an ally, was his book finally published. In Orwells fictional Oceania, radio broadcasts consists of special announcements of victories and large doses of martial music. This bears a similar resemblance to the successful tactics used by Germanys minister of propaganda under Hitler, joesph Goebbels. Also, Orwells concept of Newspeak, a critical element of degrading the society in 1984, bore a similar resemblance Goebbels’s Sprachregelung (â€Å"language manipulation†). In Sprachregelung, for example, Churchill was referred to by officials as â€Å"that brandy-sodden alcoholic Winston Churchill,† and Roosevelt â€Å"that syphilitic degenerate Roosevelt†. The media’s manipulation of the masses in Nineteen Eighty-Four, then, is drawn not only from Soviet and Nazi propaganda tactics, but also from Orwell’s own experiences as a propagandist in the BBC’s English-language service to India as well. In 1984, the world is subdivided into three great powers, Oceania(united states), Eurasia(Europe and Russia) and Eastasia (china and south east Asia) . This scenario is the same as the actual political alignment that followed WWII. At a conference in the city of Tehran 1943, Roosevelt, Stalin< Churchill met to discuss postwar occupation and demilitarization of Germany. At this meeting it was decided that a secret Allied assault on German  occupied France would take place in 1944. This would cause Germany to fight a war on two fronts both east and west. This was the strategy that would win the war in next 18 months and also allowed the total soviet domination of Eastern Europe. By the time the leaders met again in 1945 at the Yalta conference, Stalin had driven the Nazi forces back and taken control of Eastern Europe. In 1948, when 1984 had been published, World War II had just ended. One of Englands allies was Russia, ruled by the repressive dictator Joseph Stalin. Stalin had launched an economic system in the Soviet Union where he had forced rapid industrialization of the large rural country. While the Soviet Union and its empire had transformed from an agrarian economy to an industrial powerhouse in a short span of time, millions of people died from hardships and famine that occurred as a result of the severe economic turmoil and party policies. During the continued repressions in the country under Stalin millions of people who were a threat to the Soviet politics or suspected of being such a threat were executed or exiled to Gulag labor camps in remote areas of Siberia or Central Asia much like how the citizens of 1984 were vaporized. A number of ethnic groups in Russia were forcibly exiled for political reasons. Orwell seems to have been particularly annoyed with the widespread allegiance to Stalinism. The Communist Party under Stalin, he felt, were movements agreeing to fight for the working classes against capitalism, but in reality concerned only with establishing and perpetuating their own power. The masses were only there to be used for their idealism, their class resentments, and their willingness to work cheap. Fearful that the Soviets would impose a totalitarian political system on the vast area the soviets occupied, Roosevelt and Churchill pressed Stalin to establish governments through free elections. He conceded but did not allow international supervision of these elections. In the decade following the wars end, a ravaged Europe became the battleground for the two ideologies of communism and capitalism, and nowhere was their inability to agree more  evident than in the political division of Berlin. It was also at Yalta where the leaders set up the United Nations to maintain peace and security. But this coalition had little effect in preventing the growing tension between the US and the Soviets as they both tried to become the leading superpower. The ongoing ideological clash between these nations came to be known as the Cold War. The third great power to emerge after the war was the Peoples Republic of China. Communists captured power from the Nationalists in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China, totalitarianism again appeared in the newly formed communist state although its appearance seems less indicative of communist ideology than a long history of despotic rulers in both Russia and China. Mao and his lieutenants manipulated all organs of information for indoctrination purposes. Political education was accompanied by mass arrests and executions, forced labor, and the liquidation of anticommunist opponents. Political opponents were rehabilitated rather than eliminated, and often permitted to return to positions of responsibility. The fact that the majority of these events, which are strikingly similar to those recounted in Nineteen Eighty-Four, occurred after the publication of the book is a testament to the novel’s prescience. Other dictators of the time included Benito Mussolini of Italy. These dictators controlled citizens through propaganda and violence. These state of affairs prompted Orwell to create Big Brother, the ultimate totalitarian leader who dominates political, social, and economic activities. Orwell was also concerned about an important invention that came into place after WWII and would eventually become a dominant force in Western culture: the television. Television first appeared in America in 1939 at the New York Worlds Fair. Its popularity continued to grow and today most households in America owned at least one colour television set. Orwell recognized the potential and the influence it can have of this communication tool which eventually everyone would own. He imagined that the television would broadcast propaganda non stop and eventually allow the broadcaster to spy on  the viewers hence the reason for establishing the telescreens in 1984. Political tragedies, such as this, are published constantly, but 1984 is one of the few that has remained timeless and will always be regarded as not only historical, but also prophetic. The book reminds us of what has gone wrong, what can go wrong, and what will go wrong when government becomes all-powerful. It is because of this political and social insight that 1984 is one of the best books of all time. BIBLIOGRAPHY www.wikipeia.org- Spanish civil war-cold war-George Orwell-Joseph Stalin-Mao tse Tungwww.bartleby.com/65/to/totalita.htmwww.britannica.com/eb/article-9073017/totalitarianismww.answers.comhttp://www.liferesearchuniversal.com/introduction.htmlhttp://www.english.uiuc.edu/maps/scw/scw.htmwww.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/coldwar/kclibrary.lonestar.edu/decade50.htmlbooks.google.com.au/bookswww.online-literature.com/orwell/www.george-orwell.org/www.netcharles.com/orwell/articles/col-totalitarianism.htmFinding George Orwell in Burma by Emma Larkin1984 by George Orwell (foreword by Thomas Pynchon) 2003 editionLiterature and its times by joyce moss

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

John Clare Essay

John Clare (1793-1864) was born on July 13 at Helpstone, a village in Northamptonshire, close to the Lincolnshire fens. His father, Parker Clare, worked as a farm laborer. In his spare time his father was also a rustic wrestler and ballad singer. Clare attended a dame school in his native village, and then went to Glinton School in the next village. When his father became ill with rheumatism, Clare began work first as a horse-boy, then ploughboy, then as a gardener at Burghley House. In 1812 he enlisted in the militia, returning home eighteen months later. He met Martha Turner in Casterton, who joined the Clare family just before the birth of the first of their eight children. Clare’s first book of poems appeared in 1820, published by Hessey and Taylor. The volume ran to four editions in the first year, and he became celebrated in London literary society as the â€Å"peasant poet†. In 1837 Clare was admitted into Mathew Allen’s private asylum of High Beech in Epping Forest, where he stayed for four years until he discharged himself, walking the eighty miles home to Northborough in three days, eating grass on the way. He wrote two long, suffering poems, Don Juan and Child Harold, which documented his precious mental state. He was certified insane by two doctors in December 18841 and was admitted to St, Andrews County Lunatic Asylum in Northampton, where he was treated well and continued to write, producing many short, semi-mystical poems. John Clare later passed away in the institution in 1864 at the age of 71. First Love I ne’er was struck before that hour With love so sudden and so sweet, Her face it bloomed like a sweet flower And stole my heart away complete. My face turned pale as deadly pale. My legs refused to walk away, And when she looked, what could I ail? My life and all seemed turned to clay. And then my blood rushed to my face And took my eyesight quite away, The trees and bushes round the place Seemed midnight at noonday. I could not see a single thing, Words from my eyes did start — They spoke as chords do from the string, And blood burnt round my heart. Are flowers the winter’s choice? Is love’s bed always snow? She seemed to hear my silent voice, Not love’s appeals to know. I never saw so sweet a face As that I stood before. My heart has left its dwelling-place And can return no more First love is a poem, which shows the experience the poet has falling in love for the first time. It is rejoicing the love he attained for a woman named Mary Joyce however there is sadness and a feeling of dissatisfaction hovering in the background. This feeling exists, as the love was unrequited. The poem has an underlying tone of innocence and flurry of emotions as it is the poets very first attempt at love exhibiting his feelings for Mary. The opening of the first stanza only shows how sudden and unexpected the feeling was as he was never â€Å"struck before that hour†, this is followed my sibilance alliteration so sudden and so sweet further emphasizing on the shock and bewilderment of the overwhelming feeling confirming it is a new experience. He uses his heart as a symbol that she has stolen completely away however unknowingly. The paragraph continues to describe how he physically felt ill as his face turned pale a deadly pale. Generally when a person falls in love the instinct is that the blood rushed to the face, which occurs as a latter reaction. This could be because he probably already sensed that the love could not be returned as he didn’t say anything to her instead he hoped that his eyes would convey the message â€Å"words from my eyes did start†. He never came close to even touching or  talking to her however the line â€Å"all seemed to turn to clay† conveys the strong affection he attained for her. He also shows how the woman is in control of their relationship as she could mould and re-mould him as per her wish. In the second stanza he goes on to describe more of his emotions brought forward by this interaction. He makes it quite visual for us of how the love has its affect on him and how he flushes with embarrassment so much that for a moment he feels blind. The physical impact of love relates the experience of love and loss.

Tuesday, October 22, 2019

Power is Everywhere Michael Foucault Essays

Power is Everywhere Michael Foucault Essays Power is Everywhere Michael Foucault Paper Power is Everywhere Michael Foucault Paper Essay Topic: Discipline and Punish the Birth Of the Prison Sociology Michael Foucault (1926 1984) is widely held to be one of the most influential philosophers of the second half of the twentieth century. He achieved this status by offering an alternative currency to the existing liberal and Marxist theories as well as the linguists-based structuralism of some of his contemporaries. His currency was that of power. In 1979 he asserted that Power is everywhere: not because it embraces everything, but because it comes from everywhere. Power is not an institution, nor a structure, nor a possession. It is the name we give to a complex strategic situation in a particular society.1 Foucault set out the reasoning behind his work on power in The History of Sexuality he remarks that, ... while the human subject is placed in relations of production and of signification, he is equally placed in power relations that are very complex. Now, it seemed to me that economic history and theory provided a good instrument for relations of production and that linguistics and semiotics offered instruments for studying relations of signification, but for power relations we had no tools of study.2 Clearly he felt that the Marxist and structuralist analysis were inadequate and incomplete as a theoretical tool for the areas of life he wanted to examine. He explained further I have been led to address the question of power only to the extent that the political (juridical) analysis of power, which was offered, did not seem to me to account for the finer, more detailed phenomena I wish to evoke when I pose the question of telling the truth about oneself. If I tell the truth about myself, as I am now doing, it is in part that I am constituted as a subject across a number of power relations which are exerted over me and which I exert over others.3 Of the opposing theories it was perhaps Marxism that had the most to lose from Foucaults approach. Whilst Foucault was clearly a key figure in philosophical terms his work has had its detractors. A coherent all-embracing critique is made more difficult by his works somewhat fragmentary character which encompasses a variety of apparently disparate topics.4 Despite this Foucault certainly succeeded in generating a good deal of criticism and controversy particularly following the publication of Discipline and Punish in 1975 (and translated into English in 1977) He seeks to strengthen his standpoint by describing himself as a historian rather than a philosopher and certainly sought to avoid being seen as a political theorist, arguing that his theories are more verifiable as a result. Although as McNay points out historians have rejected Foucaults work for being too philosophical, philosophers for its lack of formal rigour and sociologists for its literary or poetic quality5 It is also true to say that before attempting a critique of his work we should really focus on one given period within the overall corpus. His work travels a great distance from the earliest Mental Illness and Psychology to the later contributions that increasingly saw him making direct interventions into contemporary issues like the death penalty, abortion rights and the Iranian Revolution. For the purposes of this essay Discipline and Punishment and The History of Sexuality can be viewed as the most important when considering whether power is indeed everywhere. In the books Discipline and Punish and The History of Sexuality the expression of the relationship between power and knowledge were examined, which led to studies concerned with the various historical relations between forms of knowledge, and forms of the exercise of power. The overall analysis was a conscious continuation of the work of Nietzsche, who implied that knowledge was associated with the networks of power, that power produced knowledge, that power and knowledge directly implied one another or went together. Foucaults analysis of power implies that it, in itself makes a person who they are. The analysis sums up how it is exercised and by what means. It simply runs through the social body like a network, it produces knowledge, certain gestures and desires and therefore gives us our identities and constitutes us as individuals. Foucault on Power As is stated elsewhere in this essay Foucaults theories relating to power did evolve somewhat during the period he was addressing but it would be useful at this point to look at some of his key power related concepts. Concepts that underline his break from the prevailing Marxist and Liberal philosophies. Here we consider some of the more important concepts. In an interview with Gilles Deleuze in 1972, Foucault said: Its the great unknown at present: who exercises power? And where does he exercise it? Nowadays we know more or less who exploits, where the profit goes, into whose hands it goes and where it is reinvested. But powerwe know very well that it is not those who govern who hold the power. But the notion of ruling class is neither very clear nor very highly developed.6 Here Foucault clearly distances himself from the Marxist perspective that would argue that power is used by the ruling class to govern in their own interests. In all Foucaults theories he attempts to demonstrate that power is everywhere, as Pierre Boncenne puts it in the fibers of our bodies, that everything is reduced down to power. 7 During the interview with Pierre Boncenne in 1978, Foucault was challenged to comment on the notion that whereas the Marxists had reduced everything down to economics he could be criticized for a similar one track approach, this time based on with power. He replied drawing on his work on prisons, Thats an important question for me; power is the problem that has to be resolved. Take an example like the prisons. I want to study the way in which people set about using- and late on in history- imprisonment, rather than banishment or torture, as a punitive method In reality, when we examine how, in the late eighteenth century, it was decided to choose imprisonment as the essential mode of punishment, one sees that is was after all a long elaboration of various techniques that made it possible to locate people, to fix them in precise places In short, it was a form of dressage, thus we see the appearance of garrisons of a type that didnt exist before the end of the seventeenth century; we see the appearance of great workshops, employing hundreds of workers. What developed then, was a whole technique of management.8 He goes onto explain how power relations were exercised. Relationships in society, activities, obedience, goals, and communication all in relation to power. How we value one another and our levels of knowledge. He claims that one should look at power relations as opposed to power itself. Power exists only when it is used. When it is exercised by some on others. Violence is also a relation to power. It can control, dominate, it bends, breaks and destroys, when put into use.9 Unsurprisingly one of Foucault key concepts set out in his book Discipline and Punish is Discipline. For him Discipline may be identified neither with an institution nor with an apparatus; it is a type of power, a modality for its exercise, comprising a whole set of instruments, techniques, procedures, levels of application, targets; it is a physics or an anatomy of power, a technology.10 Discipline is one of the ways that Power can be exercised. He looks at its use within the apparatuses like education, military, medical, industrial and within institutions like prisons and asylums. He refers to it in the context of the disciplinary society. The formation of the disciplinary society is connected with a number of broad historical processes- economic, juridico-political, and lastly, scientific- of which it forms part.11 Setting it a historical context Foucault links the development of the prevailing form of discipline arose from the growth of a capitalist economy that he argues gave rise to the specific modality of disciplinary power, whose general formulas, techniques of submitting forces and bodies, in short, political anatomy, could be operated in the most diverse political regimes, apparatuses and institutions12 Foucault refers to what he calls Panopticism (a term based on a design for a prison produced by Jeremy Bentham in the late eighteenth century. The cells of the prison were grouped around a central viewing tower which Foucault saw as a metaphor for how power and more specifically surveillance works in post modern society and a prime example of the technology of power). The Panoptic on was neither operated by the juridico-political structures nor was it entirely independent of it. Compare this with clarity of the Althusserian ideological superstructure and its direct type of relationship with the economic base. In a representative democracy the representative regime makes it possible, directly or indirectly, with or without relays, for the will of all to form the fundamental authority of sovereignty, the disciplines provide, at the base, a guarantee of the submission of forces and bodies.13 In Discipline and Punish, Foucault claims that the power of normalisation is exercised by our social mechanisms to gain health, knowledge and comfort. We must cease once and for all to describe the effects of power in negative terms: it excludes, it represses, it censors, it abstracts, it masks, it conceals. In fact, power produces: reality; it produces domains of objects and rituals of truth. The individual and the knowledge that may be gained of him belong to this production.14 This normalization is summed up by McNay as a kind of trade of between Government and individual. In Foucaults words, individuals are supplied with a little extra life while the government is supplied with a little extra strength.15 The fact that individuals were resistant to the process of normalization was also an important part of the overall theory. The theory of governmentpermits Foucault to explain how individuals are always resistant to complete incorporation within the normalizing process of subjectification. The idea of the government of individualization denotes, therefore, both the way in which norms are imposed on forms of individuality and the multiplicity of ways in which individuals exceed such constraints16 The full title of his 1975 work (Translated into English in 1977 ) was, in English, Discipline Punish: The Birth of the Prison. The book largely concerned itself with the role and mechanisms within modern western societies penal systems. For Foucault a Prison was a form of the disciplines referred to earlier. It was an institution that alongside military barracks, asylums, schools, hospitals etc. It was a technology of power. Foucault identified from history three distinct ways of organizing the power to punish. Firstly, the most violent was Penal Torture. This was a technology of power that was used as sovereign power. As Smart puts it The punishment was extremely spectacular, violent and ritualistic. Penal torture charted a set of techniques for inflicting pain, injury and in some cases, death! Torture also was used as a means of extracting a confession from the criminal during investigation. The relations of power and truth in the form of penal torture were articulated on the body. Many of these punishments were put into force to make an example of. Even the minor of offences would be punished. Also to encourage gathering crowds to take part by insulting and attacking the criminal.17 Foucault begins his seminal work with a gruesome description of the execution of Damiens, the would be assassin of Louis XV. It turned out to be the last of these most appalling styles of execution drawn and quartered that was reserved for Regicides. Secondly, he identified humanitarian reform that comes as a reaction to the ineffectiveness of the torture based punishments. During the course of the eighteenth century, reformers began to criticise the amount of violence associated with penal torture. Public executions were deemed non-affective in deterring crime so another form of punishment was needed. The reformers desired a more humane and lenient form of punishment. Foucault stated that there was just a different termed tendency towards a more finely tuned justice.18 Finally there was Penal Incarceration the form of punishment that prevailed during the time of his writing. Turning to Foucaults studies on the history of sexuality he seeks to set out the evolution of attitude from the Victorian era to the modern day. It is true that in Victorian times, sex and sexuality was hardly spoken of, there was all pervading prudery and the whole subject of sex was taboo. For Foucault a power of repression was behind the Victorian treatment. It was kept contained within the domestic four walls an unspoken phenomenon. This is where concept of pastoral power comes in. Foucault believed that throughout the ages we as individuals have changed and evolved in the way we see ourselves and others. Christianity plays a role in this. Pastoral power exercises a major influence over our lives. It defines modern societies and economic relations throughout social life. It consists of a set of techniques, rationalities and practices that guide and inform our behaviour. Another concept related to Sexuality was bio-power i.e. power over birth, death and reproduction. The emergence, the expansion and consolidation of bio-power was an element in the development of capitalism. When asked in an interview conducted by Pierre Boncenne, whether Foucault wanted to show that it was more useful for power to admit sex than forbid it? He replied All Western Catholics have been obliged to admit their sexuality, their sins against the flesh and all their sins in this area, committed in thought or indeed, one can hardly say that the discourse on sexuality has been simply prohibited or repressed I think that once again we are confronted by a phenomenon of exclusive valorisation of a theme: power must be repressive; since power is bad, it can only be negative, etc. In these circumstances, to speak of ones sexuality would necessarily be liberation. However, it seemed to me, that it was much more complicated than that19 The idea of repressed sex isnt therefore, just a theoretical matter. To say that sex is not repressed, or the relations between sex and power isnt categorised by repression, is a platform for a well-accepted argument. Power lays down the laws by which sex functions and by which its workings are to be interpreted. It operates on the individual subject and his sex through his very acquisition of language; language is the means by which the individual is initiated into society; as he acquires it he encounters the law. The law tells him what he desires by forbidding it. The pure form of power is that of the legislator; its relation to sex is of a juridical-discursive type. Power operates on sex in the same way at all levels.20 Of course Foucaults concept of power knowledge reminds us of Bacons assertion that Knowledge is Power. Though Foucault distances himself from this association. Power Knowledge is a mechanism that is concerned with the gathering and collation of information about an individual. He argues that there is a relationship between power and knowledge but that they were not the same. The power of the government etc. A governing body who dictates the state of our lives by only allowing certain housing, funds and living for certain classes. Foucault stresses in many statements that power and knowledge go hand in hand. Going over the struggles of exercising power, the question is clear that looking at the knowledge part of it, would they not have to have the knowledge to gain the power?21 Foucault was asked in an interview by Bernard-Henri Levy. Should we now think that power must be viewed as a form of war? One thing seems certain to me: it is that the moment we have, for analysing the relations of power, only two models a) the one proposed by law (power as law, interdiction and institutions) and b) the military or strategic model in terms of power relations.22 In an interview with Bernard Henri Levy, Foucault states that he is certain of one thing: For the moment we have, for analyzing the relations of power, only two models: a) the one proposed by law (power as law, interdiction, institutions) and b) the military or strategic model in terms of power relations. The first one has been much used and its inadequacy has, I believe, been demonstrated: we know very well that law does not describe power. The other model is also much discussed, I know. But we stop with words; we use ready-made ideas or metaphors the war of all against all, the struggle for life or again formal schemata.23 In his claims that power is everywhere, Foucault also claims that spatial relations play an essential role in the exercise of power. In an interview conducted by Paul Rabinow, Foucault was asked how the technology of power opposed to discipline; did space play a central role? Space is a fundamental in any form of communal life; space is fundamental in any exercise of power. To make a parenthical remark, I recall having been invited, in 1966, by a group of architect to do a study of space, of something that I called at that time heterotopias, those singular spaces to be found in some given social spaces whose functions are different or even the opposite of others. The architects worked on this, and at the end of the study someone spoke up-a Sartrean psychologist- who firebombed me saying that space is reactionary and capitalist, but history and becoming are revolutionary.24 The question that followed asked if Foucaults concerns were more on space than architecture, and that the physical walls were only one aspect of the institute. He was then asked to explain the difference between the architecture and space? To which he replied that architecture was an element of space that performed the functions of allocation and canalization.

Monday, October 21, 2019

The whole towns sleeping Essays

The whole towns sleeping Essays The whole towns sleeping Paper The whole towns sleeping Paper Throughout this essay I intend to compare and contrast the effectiveness of the different narrative styles used in the two short stories, A Terribly Strange Bed and The Whole Towns Sleeping. The stories were written about one hundred years apart, The Whole Towns Sleeping in 1950 and A Terribly Strange Bed, much earlier in 1856. This means that not only will the portrayal of the stories vary based upon the individual styles of writing of the authors but also the social history of the times of writing will be quite different. A Terribly Strange Bed is a story written in the first person narrative, which means it is written as a personal account of the events within the story from the point of view of the main character. It is usually written as a character recalling the story to someone else after the events have taken place. The Whole Towns Sleeping on the other hand is a story written in the third person narrative which means it is written from the point of view of an invisible bystander who plays no part in the actual story. It is written as the events take place and is much like a fly on the wall kind of perspective. The outline of the story in The Whole Towns Sleeping is that there is an air of tension building in a small town as a man nicknamed the lonely one is going around killing women But the others strangled four of them, their tongues sticking out of their mouths, they say. The main theme of the story is about the reactions and feelings of three maiden ladies as they walk through the town in the dark of night to visit the cinema. The tension and fear of the story is increased as the women find the body of a friend who has been missing, Eliza Ramsell, and their response is not to return to the safety of their homes, but is to continue with their plans to walk on, to the cinema. The ladies even flout the advice of the police to return home immediately after the film showing and end up walking through the town at midnight when nearly all the other residents are safely locked up in their homes asleep. The climax of the story comes when the ladies have to separate as they reach their individual homes and Lavinia Nebbs is left to walk the last five minutes alone through the deep, deep and black, black ravine. The story ends with a twist as Lavinia finally reaches the safety of being inside her home. A Terribly Strange Bed is a story about a gambler who visits, as blackguard a place, by all respect, as you should ever wish to see. This is a dirty gambling house where the subject of the story has an astonishing run of good luck and is fortunate enough to break the bank. Whilst playing he is befriended by a rather suspicious specimen of an old soldier. This soldier later gets the subject drunk and leads him to a room where the terribly strange bed is situated. As the subject tries to sleep he becomes aware that the bed he is lying on is closing down upon him, threatening to suffocate him. He just manages to escape with his life, by rolling from the moving bed and leaving the gambling house via his bedroom window and then slipping down a water pipe into the street below. The plots of the two stories are quite different but the themes of creating an atmosphere of fear and tension are very similar. In both stories there is a protagonist who is domineering and who is confidant of themselves and the moves that they take. They do not listen to their peers and dont accept advice very well. However, the tension of the two stories is developed in quite different fashions. In The Whole Towns Sleeping there is a slow accumulation of many events each adding to the tension before the climax is reached when Lavinia, the protagonist, crosses the ravine. In contrast, in A Terribly Strange Bed there isnt as much build up of tension and less events happen prior to the moment when the antagonist attempts murder on the protagonist. However, there is a greater use of language and dialect making the story as long as The Whole Towns Sleeping, but less busy. From the very start there are clues as to what the stories are about, A Terribly Strange Bed starts to build a disturbing atmosphere with a very detailed description of the gambling house which the protagonist and his friend visit. Phrases like,here there was nothing but tragedy and the spectacle was something to weep over, suggests a perfect setting for harm to befall the character. The use of these phrases in the first person shows both opinion and emotion. This is an effective way of setting the scene because an image of a dirty, dimly lit room with badly dressed, unshaven tramps sitting and leaning against walls is immediately thrown into the mind of the reader, creating a sense of trepidation. In The Whole Towns Sleeping the first hint of fear is suggested by the title of the movie the ladies are to attend Welcome, Danger!

Sunday, October 20, 2019

A Functionalist Perspective On Prison Sociology Essay

A Functionalist Perspective On Prison Sociology Essay Choose a social institution (i.e. family, education, religion, prison, economy, mass media) and explain it using the three major sociological perspectives: Functionalist Perspective Conflict Perspective Interactionist Perspective Sociological Perspectives 3 Abstract The social institution that I chose is prison; I chose the prison system because I wanted to see how prisoners are seen by society and why according to these three major perspectives. Functionalist Perspective – Functionalists such as Charles Darwin and Emile Durkheim view society as a system of highly interrelated structures or parts that operate harmoniously. (Tischler, pg. 21) The functionalist, interactionists they more so are subjective to the aspects of social life, instead of the objective structural aspects of social systems. The interactionists, is shifted away from stable norms and values, and toward continually readjusting the social process. Conflict theorists, on the other hand, such as Karl Marx and David Hume, view society as constantly changing in response to social inequality and social conflict. (Tischler, pg. 21) Sociological Perspectives 4 Crime-Functionalist Theory Functionalists believe that crime and deviance are inevitable and necessary for a society. Crime shows other member of the society what is right and wrong. Social consensus decides how right and wrong is determined. Crime can lead to social change, say the functionalists, because the existence of crime proves to the people in society that the government does not overly control the citizens. Crime can also help the economy of a society by creating jobs for law enforcement officers, psychiatrists, probation officers and the like. Even in the functionalist society, too much crime can be bad for the group, causing it to lose the standard harmony and eventually causing the society to collapse. (www.criminology.fsu.edu) Crime-Conflict Theory How conflict theorists see crime, and the laws governing them, are products of a struggle for power and control. According to the conflict theorist, a select few powerful individuals and groups make the laws, and those laws are enforced to outlaw any behavior that threatens their interests. The poor and powerless are much more likely to be arrested and convicted for serious crimes such as rape and murder, than the more powerful and wealthy. The crime rate among the poor is very high because of a lack of opportunities that were meant to improve the economical status and living conditions. The poor also lack education, skills, and a strong support system that is necessary for individuals to become productive, valued members of society (www.unc.edu).) Sociological Perspectives 5 Symbolic Interactionist Theory Sociology has another theory that could also explain race relations according to dominant and subordinate groups like whites and blacks in America is the Symbolic Interactionist theory. This theory focuses on how we â€Å"learn conceptions and meanings of racial and ethnic distinctions through interactions with others and how meanings, labels, and definitions affect racial and ethnic groups† (Mooney 176). One example the author uses is simply the difference in terms that use the word white and black and the difference in the connotations of these terms. For example, typically words that contain the word black are negative, such as blacklist, blackball, and black sheep. Studies clearly still demonstrate that whites are seen as more intelligent, harder working and more self-supporting than blacks. This labeling helps lead to the very thoughts we have about minorities, which in turn helps perpetuate their subordinate place in society.

Friday, October 18, 2019

Is it our future already written Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Is it our future already written - Essay Example This paper highlights my own experiences and how I decided to shape the way I wanted it to be. This paper is comprised of different sections (Sagor 2005). It is fundamental note that this study was located in my school. I interviewed my room who gave very pertinent information about me.This research targeted people that were close to me. For instance, it targeted my friends, roommate and family members. These people were interviewed as per the questionnaire and interview schedule prepared. This study applied simple sampling techniques. This type of sampling allows an equal chance for each individual to be picked for interview. This technique of sampling also allows the respondents to be picked just by chance. This type of sampling technique was selected because the study dealt with a larger population. I randomly selected my friends who I interviewed. The sample size of this research was 10 participants. I targeted 3 people from my family, and 7 people from my school. These participa nts were interviewed as per the interview schedule. Let me also note that I interviewed my room at night when we were resting after studies. I interviewed my family on Sundays. Let me note that I learned a lot from the participants. It is true to note that our lives are always marred with challenges that me it difficult for us to look in to life in a more positive way. Personally, I have experienced many challenges. I have to admit that the challenges that I experienced in life made me stronger. My roommate narrated during the interview how he suffered while still young. It was painful to hear her say that her parents separated while he was just five years. He adapted to the situation to live in a single parenthood family. This showed me clearly that when we look in to life in a more positive manner life would always be good. Let me also highlight that my friend highlighted that we should avoid being negative in life. During the interview, she told me that we should not always opt t hat the worst will happen. We should always opt for the best to happen. I have to note that it is also important to desist from negative behaviors to be positive in life. My mother used to remind me to desist from bad behaviors like being late in school, and being lazy. I have always grown up knowing that laziness is not good. I don’t remember too much about that night. I only remember that Carlos and I were at an Italian restaurant, very gourmet, beautiful, comfortable, and classy. Then, we went to the movies, and we had an ice cream in my favorite ice cream shop located 2 blocks away my home. I got the nocciola and lime flavor and Carlos got the chocolate one. I remember we end it up laughing and sharing our ice creams. Then, I woke up, and I couldn’t remember anything more, as I recounted my dream to my best friend Connie in a rainy night of October 2009. I had never dreamed of a specific person before, and I was trying to solve the mystery with Connie. After talkin g with her, no closer to an answer, I received a message: â€Å"Hi, this is Carlos. I haven't seen you for a while until yesterday in the Model of United Nations. I remember when we used to go out every weekend, so it was very nice to see you last night. By the way†¦how is everything doing in your Model of United Nation? If you need any help, I can help you in whatever you need. Sorry if I’m taking this too long.† It was a big coincidence that after I saw him in the Model of United Nations, I dreamed about him, and then, he texted me. There is